Scandinavian team looking for Indo-Europeans in Kazakhstan

An article in the Astana Times. If anyone has any additional information via Kazakh or Scandinavian media, or can find the press release referred to in the article, feel free to share.

  Scandinavian Team Searches for Indo-European Homeland through Kazakhstan DNA

A Scandinavian team has come to Kazakhstan in search of the common homeland of all Indo-European peoples, collecting bone fragments for analysis in the Centre for Geogenetics at the University of Copenhagen.

The researchers are looking for a genetic connection to match the linguistic connections that have already been drawn, Norwegian historian Sturla Ellingvag of the Explico Historical Research Foundation told The Astana Times on Feb. 20. “We’re trying to find a connection in science, in our DNA, to prove that there is indeed a connection, between, for example, Norwegians and the people in Kazakhstan. And also we are looking for a homeland, which is somewhere on the Caspian steppe, or in Russia, or some say it’s in Armenia or Ukraine. There are many different theories.”

The researchers collected about 120 Bronze and early Iron Age bone samples in total from Pavlodar, Kostanai and Karaganda during their week-long trip to Kazakhstan, from Feb. 14 – 21. Kazakhstan is fascinating, the researcher says, because it contains human remains that are “so far back on the DNA map.”

The 4,000 year old samples they’ve found have been very well preserved, Ellingvag said. “I can only speak from meeting archaeologists in Astana and here in Karaganda, but I’m very much impressed by the professionalism and also by the exhibitions they have,” he said.

The project to search for the ancestral homeland of the Indo-European peoples falls under the umbrella of a large grant from the Danish government and is being supported by the Kon-Tiki Museum in Oslo, Gotenburg University in Sweden and the University of Copenhagen in Denmark, which has one of the best historical DNA analysis labs in the world and which is where the analysis on the Kazakh remains will actually be done. Universities in Karaganda, Pavlodar and Kostanai are also involved.

The Kurgan hypothesis posits that the speakers of proto-Indo-European, the hypothesized common ancestor of the massive Indo-European language group, originally lived on the Pontiac-Caspian steppe, an area of land stretching from the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea and including parts of Russia, Ukraine and northwest Kazakhstan, beginning around the fifth millenium B.C. The hypothesis describes the spread of the language family from the steppe in every direction. “Kurgan” is a term for a type of burial mound common in the Caucasus, across Kazakhstan and beyond.

“Two thousand years ago, we started having Kurgan graves in Scandinavia,” said Ellingvag. The commonalities between burial mounds in Norway and Scythian/Saka mounds in Kazakhstan are striking, he said. “[The Scythian people] had these ornaments, these animal ornaments, which are very, very important in Scandinavian art … and the ornaments are actually quite similar, which is striking, it’s very special.”

The Kurgan hypothesis has been somewhat substantiated by genetic evidence so far, according to a press release by the Kon-Tiki Museum on the project, and advances in the technology for doing historical DNA research over the past few years means it is now possible to get closer to finding this genetic and linguistic starting point for most of the peoples of Europe.

“During the past 15 years, the Y-DNA R1a haplogroup has been characterised as a genetic signal of the Proto-Indo-Europeans. The theory now looks more plausible than ever, thanks to recent discoveries about its structure and phylogeography. Moreover, the Y-DNA R1a haplogroup has been found in numerous ancient remains supposedly belonging to early Indo-Europeans,” the press release explains.

A separate but related project is looking into the DNA of ancient horses. The Kurgan culture is credited with being the first to domesticate the horse.

The research team includes Ellingvag, Danish DNA-scientist Peter Damgaard and Bettina Heyerdahl, daughter of Norwegian archaeologist and explorer Thor Heyerdahl. They are also working with Kazakh researcher Emma Usmanova.

I could also find this Youtube video from this expedition.

Where pastoralist met farmer and East met West (Spengler et al. 2014)

The paper's conclusion:

Archaeobotanical data from Central Eurasian pastoralist campsites have major implications for our understanding of late prehistoric agriculture across Asia. Sites like Tasbas and Begash illustrate the earliest acquisition of domesticated crops by mobile pastoralists and illustrate their capacity to participate in exchanges that bridged East Asian and Central Asian farming cultures by the early third millennium BC. Mobile pastoralists living in (southern) Central Asian alluvial fans and along the mountainous spine of Central Eurasia also integrated farming into their own domestic strategies (at least) by the mid second millenniumBC. Their pastoral mobility and the formation of extensive networks throughout the IAMC helped spread particular grain morphotypes and a mixed plant cohort of wheat, barley, millet and green peas through the mountains between Xinjiang, China and southwest Asia in the second millennium BC. The seasonal campsites of Begash, Tasbas, Ojakly and Site 1211/1219 are the earliest sites thus far reported to break down the strict polarization between nomads and farmers in prehistoric Central Eurasia. They also transform our comprehension of the vast arena of interaction that defines this region in ancient times. 

Related:

• Frachetti on the multiregional emergence of mobile pastoralism
• Horse not important for the emergence of steppe pastoralism
• Michael Frachetti on the Inner Asian Mountain Corridor

Proc. R. Soc. B doi:10.1098/rspb.2013.3382

Early agriculture and crop transmission among Bronze Age mobile pastoralists of Central Eurasia

Robert Spengler et al.

Archaeological research in Central Eurasia is exposing unprecedented scales of trans-regional interaction and technology transfer between East Asia and southwest Asia deep into the prehistoric past. This article presents a new archaeobotanical analysis from pastoralist campsites in the mountain and desert regions of Central Eurasia that documents the oldest known evidence for domesticated grains and farming among seasonally mobile herders. Carbonized grains from the sites of Tasbas and Begash illustrate the first transmission of southwest Asian and East Asian domesticated grains into the mountains of Inner Asia in the early third millennium BC. By the middle second millennium BC, seasonal camps in the mountains and deserts illustrate that Eurasian herders incorporated the cultivation of millet, wheat, barley and legumes into their subsistence strategy. These findings push back the chronology for domesticated plant use among Central Eurasian pastoralists by approximately 2000 years. Given the geography, chronology and seed morphology of these data, we argue that mobile pastoralists were key agents in the spread of crop repertoires and the transformation of agricultural economies across Asia from the third to the second millennium BC.

Link

Ancient steppe populations: hints of things to come

A reader alerts me to this research summary from a German government site (pdf). The research covered seems to be that of Joachim Burger's group.

The relevant chapter is:

Schritte im weiten Raum: Neue Blicke auf Zivilisationen der Eurasischen Steppe
[steps in the vast space: New Views on civilizations of the Eurasian steppe]

I invite my German readers to translate the most interesting parts of the chapter in the comments (or at least to summarize them). A few observations on what I've been able to make sense of:

• Heterogeneity of North Pontic steppe groups with differences between Catacomb culture and earlier Yamnaya individuals
• "European" light pigmentation but with darker eyes 
• Iron Age nomadic horsemen of Central Asia/South Siberia were mixed West/East Eurasian

Here are some (little) processed Google Translate portions to whet your appetite:

[The first part of the project looked for copper and Bronze Age cultures of the steppe west and north of the Black Sea (Fig. 1). In the Late Bronze Age (around 3000 BC) came here the very mobile Yamnaya culture in appearance, their population and influence radius - as the investigations showed - apparently at the same time expanding consolidated. With the Yamnaya culture is a single burial rites used in so-called pit graves under kurgans (grave mound). Also this wont Halbno addition maggots strong trading relationships across the steppe. Around 2500 BC, they were replaced by the less mobile Katakombengrab-culture whose dissemination conduction region was significantly smaller. Population genetic analyzes of DNA occupied by the late copper to the Middle Bronze Age, a steadily increasing genetic distance between those cul tures. Between copper and time Katakombengrab culture is the genetic distance is greatest. Here the differences are much more pronounced than between early Chalcolithic cultures and Yamnaya population. This population genetic change could be an indication of discontinuity and population changes due to migration. An archaeological site of suspected immigration from eastern steppe areas but at least on the female side hardly taken place: For Central Asia typical DNA lines do not occur in the studied populations. Despite the genetic differences within the un the investigated groups are with them to popu lations, which are without doubt be described as European.Here the differences are much more pronounced than between early Chalcolithic cultures and Yamnaya population. This population genetic change could be an indication of discontinuity and population changes due to migration. An archaeological site of suspected immigration from eastern steppe areas but at least on the female side hardly taken place: For Central Asia typical DNA lines do not occur in the studied populations. Despite the genetic differences within the un the investigated groups are with them to popu lations, which are without doubt be described as European. DNA markers with known phenotype suggest a continuity between the North Pontic area of ​​4 / 3 Millennium BC and today's Europeans out. For instance, have all examined individuals tierungstyp on a bright pigments, as is prevalent in Europe today. Only the eye color has been dark in comparison to today.]

[The second part of the project was devoted to the population dynamics of early Iron Age peoples of nomadic horsemen in the Eurasian steppe belt. Here were 900-300 BC disseminated numerous highly mobile populations that are associated with the so-called Scythian or Sakian culture (Fig. 2). The groups studied are from the areas of eastern Kazakhstan, Altai mountains, Minusinsk Basin and Tuva. They all consist of a mixture of DNALinien, which today is a part of Central and East Asia and the other in Europe. Ity of the ground because this way the populations have a remarkably high level of genetic diversity that characterizes the Altai population today.

...

The Tagar Culture (Minusinsk Basin) this shows the greatest genetic - but also cultural - distance to all other groups. Although it chronologically corresponds to the Pazyryk culture of the Altai (5th-3rd century BC) seems to be present here genetic isolation. Between the Pazyryk culture and the significantly older findings from Tuva (7 / 6th century BC), however, the genetic distance in spite of the time interval is very small. Amazingly, has the Pazyryk culture also within its range a geographic substructure: Divided into Kazakh Altai, and Cuja Ukok plateau region, show the nomadic horsemen of Cuja region in relation to the other two groups increased genetic distance.]

Horse domestication mystery solved (?)

I will add the abstract of the paper later when it is "live" on the PNAS site. For the moment, a link to the press release:

New research indicates that domestic horses originated in the steppes of modern-day Ukraine, southwest Russia and west Kazakhstan, mixing with local wild stocks as they spread throughout Europe and Asia. The research was published today, 07 May, in the journal PNAS.

For several decades scientists puzzled over the origin of domesticated horses. Based on archaeological evidence, it had long been thought that horse domestication originated in the western part of the Eurasian Steppe (Ukraine, southwest Russia and west Kazakhstan); however, a single origin in a geographically restricted area appeared at odds with the large number of female lineages in the domestic horse gene pool, commonly thought to reflect multiple domestication "events" across a wide geographic area.

In order to solve the perplexing history of the domestic horse, scientists from the University of Cambridge used a genetic database of more than 300 horses sampled from across the Eurasian Steppe to run a number of different modelling scenarios.

Their research shows that the extinct wild ancestor of domestic horses, Equus ferus, expanded out of East Asia approximately 160,000 years ago. They were also able to demonstrate that Equus ferus was domesticated in the western Eurasian Steppe, and that herds were repeatedly restocked with wild horses as they spread across Eurasia.

ScienceNOW also covers the new research, and reports on a contrasting viewpoint:

Not all researchers are convinced, however. Archaeologist Marsha Levine of the University of Cambridge thinks using modern genetic samples to retrace horses' evolution is a dead end. "There's been mixing of cultures and mixing of horses in this region for many thousands of years," she says. "And so when you're looking at any modern horse, you just don't know where it's from."

Bringing together many kinds of evidence is what will ultimately answer the whens and wheres of horse domestication, Levine says. "What we need to be doing is using material from excavations, sequencing ancient genes, and combining that with what we know from archaeological evidence about how animals were used in the past."

I agree with the idea that ancient DNA will ultimately confirm/reject the model presented in the paper. Of course, it may be the case that the west Eurasian steppe was the place where horse domestication happened, but it is also the place where local horses may be descended from European, West Asian, and Central Asian breeds. I'll have to read the paper to see how the problem of possible admixture between western and eastern horse breeds on the steppe is accounted for in the paper.

PNAS doi: 10.1073/pnas.1111122109

Reconstructing the origin and spread of horse domestication in the Eurasian steppe

Vera Warmuth et al.

Despite decades of research across multiple disciplines, the early history of horse domestication remains poorly understood. On the basis of current evidence from archaeology, mitochondrial DNA, and Y-chromosomal sequencing, a number of different domestication scenarios have been proposed, ranging from the spread of domestic horses out of a restricted primary area of domestication to the domestication of numerous distinct wild horse populations. In this paper, we reconstruct both the population genetic structure of the extinct wild progenitor of domestic horses, Equus ferus, and the origin and spread of horse domestication in the Eurasian steppes by fitting a spatially explicit stepping-stone model to genotype data from >300 horses sampled across northern Eurasia. We find strong evidence for an expansion of E. ferus out of eastern Eurasia about 160 kya, likely reflecting the colonization of Eurasia by this species. Our best-fitting scenario further suggests that horse domestication originated in the western part of the Eurasian steppe and that domestic herds were repeatedly restocked with local wild horses as they spread out of this area. By showing that horse domestication was initiated in the western Eurasian steppe and that the spread of domestic herds across Eurasia involved extensive introgression from the wild, the scenario of horse domestication proposed here unites evidence from archaeology, mitochondrial DNA, and Y-chromosomal DNA.

Link

Three quarters of Kerey clan men belong to Genghis Khan Y chromosome cluster

From the paper:

According to the historical data, the split between two sub-clans of the Kereys occurred about 20-22 generations ago (Khalidullin 2005). Estimation of divergence time (TD) of two groups of 15 STR haplotypes (except for DYS385a,b loci) found in the Kereys sub-clans demonstrates that TD value equal to 630 ± 190 years (or approximately 21 ± 6 generations) is resulted when a mean of per-locus, per-generation mutation rate of 0.0033 and a 30-year generation time are used. Note that similar value of mutation rate (0.00324) has been calculated as optimal for 15 STR haplotypes by Busby et al. (2011) who have investigated the question on how average squared distance (ASD) estimates change within haplotype sets when using different combinations of Y-chromosome STRs. This mutation rate belongs to a class of so called genealogical STR mutation rates revealed by direct observation in father/son pairs (Kayser et al. 2000; Goedbloed et al. 2009).

The correspondence between the split time of the Kerey sub-clans and the age estimate of their Y-STR divergence is quite interesting and provides an independent historical argument for the correspondence between the C3* star cluster and Genghis Khan (or at least his direct patrilineal kin). Note that the star cluster's age matches G. K. only using a genealogical mutation rate, and not the widely (mis)used "effective mutation rate. The timeframe is recent enough to render any saturation effects from non-linearity (as described by Busby et al.) relatively unimportant.

More:

The data reported above, taken together with the known arguments in favor of the
possible Genghis Khan‟s descent of Y-chromosome C3* star-cluster (Zerjal et al. 2003), allow us to suggest two hypotheses.
(1) The star-cluster is not directly related to the descendants of Genghis Khan, but rather is associated with the Kerait clan members. Mongol conquest with participation of the Keraits as special Khan‟s military forces allowed them to disseminate the Kerait-specific Y-chromosomes in the vast area inhabited by various peoples.
(2) Genghis Khan by himself belonged to the Keraits. This is supported by the following historical evidence (Man 2004; Khalidullin 2005). The Keraits inhabited the banks of the Onon River, where the camp of Genghis Khan‟s father Yesukhei was located. Yesukhei was declared as a blood brother of the Keraits‟ Khan Toghrul (Wang Khan). Toghrul then declared Genghis Khan his son-in-law. Fraternization of the Genghis Khan family with the Keraits‟ Khan suggests  that a real blood relationship, though probably not approved officially, existed between them.

Human Biology: Vol. 84: Iss. 1, Article 4.

The Y-chromosome C3* star-cluster attributed to Genghis Khan's descendants is present at high frequency in the Kerey clan from Kazakhstan

Serikbai Abilev et al.

In order to verify the possibility that the Y-chromosome C3* star-cluster attributed to Genghis Khan and his patrilineal descendants is relatively frequent in the Kereys, who are the dominant clan in Kazakhstan and in Central Asia as a whole, polymorphism of the Y-chromosome was studied in Kazakhs, represented mostly by members of the Kerey clan. The Kereys showed the highest frequency (76.5%) of individuals carrying the Y-chromosome variant known as C3* star-cluster ascribed to the descendants of Genghis Khan. C3* star-cluster haplotypes were found in two sub-clans, Abakh-Kereys and Ashmaily-Kereys, diverged about 20-22 generations ago according to the historical data. Median network of the Kerey star-cluster haplotypes at 17 STR loci displays a bipartite structure, with two subclusters defined by the only difference at DYS448 locus. It is noteworthy that there is a strong correspondence of these subclusters with the Kerey sub-clans affiliation. The data obtained suggest that the Kerey clan appears to be the largest known clan in the world descending from a common Y-chromosome ancestor. Possible ways of Genghis Khan‟s relation to the Kereys are discussed.

Link

Frachetti on the multiregional emergence of mobile pastoralism

I had previously posted on horses not being important for the emergence of steppe pastoralism, in which Frachetti and Benecke documented how the early (4,500ky) Begash culture of Kazakhstan had developed full-blown pastoralism without apparently relying on horses.

This is in contradistinction to both the Botai culture where there is abundant evidence for horse use, apparently for food, as well as the Eneolithic cultures of the European steppe where horse bones are much more prevalent than in early Begash.

The simple model of the emergence of pastoral nomadism proposes the spread of this mode of subsistence from the European (Pontic-Caspian) steppe, together with horses and horse-drawn vehicles. Popularized by David Anthony in recent years, this model views horses and wheels as the great enablers of pastoralism, and views the emergence of pastoral cultures across the steppe as the result of movements of mobile pastoralists -atop their horses, and with their herds- across the Eurasian steppe.

Frachetti is a critic of this model, and proposes instead the importance of the (hitherto neglected) Inner Asian Mountain Corridor as important in facilitating prehistoric contacts between east and west. In a new paper in Current Anthropology he elaborates on his proposed "multiregional" model of the emergence of mobile pastoralism.

I have not read the paper's 38 pages carefully yet (including CA comments and response), but this is clearly a seminal work on the studied topic that will be referenced for years to come. I will post any specific comments in updates to this post. For the moment, I will limit myself to a couple of observations:

• Recent work in Y-chromosome phylogeny has established a fairly disjoint division within haplogroup R1a1a; in particular the R-Z93 subhaplogroup seems to abound in the "Asian steppe", as well as Asia in general, while being generally absent in Europe; the R1a1a and Subclades Y-DNA Project is keeping track of new developments in this field.
• My own research on autosomal DNA, suggests the confluence of two "streams" of ancestry onto the steppe: a west-to-east stream emanating from eastern Europe, and associated with the Atlantic_Baltic (K7b) or North_European (K12b) ancestral component; as well as a West_Asian (K7b) or Caucasus/Gedrosia (K12b) component emanating from the highland regions south of the Caspian and south of the steppe (the traditional Silk Road territory).

These lines of evidence certainly appear to be consistent with a "multiregional" model of early mobile pastoralism. In particular they testify to the non-uniformity of ancestry of steppe groups and are inconsistent with their derivation from a single source. The picture is further complicated by the historical movements of nomads across the steppe (including Scytho-Sarmatian type people as well as Turkic-Mongolian ones). Charting the emergence of steppe populations will require a great deal of sleuthing in the genomes of modern steppe inhabitants, as well as a great deal of work on ancient DNA.

In any case, the new paper by Michael Frachetti will provide important new insight to all those who seek to understand "what actually happened" in Eurasian prehistory, and it is a very welcome addition to the ongoing debate.

Current Anthropology Vol. 53, No. 1, February 2012

Multiregional Emergence of Mobile Pastoralism and Nonuniform Institutional Complexity across Eurasia

Michael D. Frachetti


Abstract

In this article I present a new archaeological synthesis concerning the earliest formation of mobile pastoralist economies across central Eurasia. I argue that Eurasian steppe pastoralism developed along distinct local trajectories in the western, central, and (south)eastern steppe, sparking the development of regional networks of interaction in the late fourth and third millennia BC. The “Inner Asian Mountain Corridor” exemplifies the relationship between such incipient regional networks and the process of economic change in the eastern steppe territory. The diverse regional innovations, technologies, and ideologies evident across Eurasia in the mid-third millennium BC are cast as the building blocks of a unique political economy shaped by “nonuniform” institutional alignments among steppe populations throughout the second millennium BC. This theoretical model illustrates how regional channels of interaction between distinct societies positioned Eurasian mobile pastoralists as key players in wide-scale institutional developments among traditionally conceived “core” civilizations while also enabling them to remain strategically independent and small-scale in terms of their own sociopolitical organization. The development of nonuniform institutional complexity among Eurasian pastoralists demonstrates a unique political and economic structure applicable to societies whose variable political and territorial scales are inconsistent with commonly understood evolutionary or corporate sociopolitical typologies such as chiefdoms, states, or empires.

Link

Horse not important for the emergence of steppe pastoralism

The earliest horses from the Botai culture of Kazakhstan were used for the mares' milk and were hunted for food. It has also been suggested that the horse has been instrumental in the early emergence of Eurasian pastoralism. If that is true, then we expect to find horse remains in steppe pastoralist cultures in addition to domesticated animals (goats and cattle, the pig is lacking).

A paper by Frachetti and Benecke looked at the chronological sequence of the Begash culture from southeastern Kazakhstan. Surprisingly, they found no horse bones in the earliest period, a few ones in subsequent periods, while 14 per cent of the animals were horses only in the later (post-Mongolian) phase.

From the paper:

The relative frequencies show a steady increase of this species through time, from 2 per cent in Phase 1b to 14 per cent in the Phases 5 and 6. Whether the lack of horses in the earliest phase of occupation (Phase 1a) is an artefact of the small size of the total faunal collection or was a reality remains an open question. The second half of the third millennium BC, which roughly corresponds with Phase 1a, is considered as the period when horse domestication flourished in Western Asia (Benecke & von den Driesch 2003). Nevertheless, percentages of horse remains at Begash remain below 6 per cent until approximately AD 50 (Phase 3b).

...

The steady increase in horses in the faunal record does correlate with documented political and social expansions of eastern Eurasian mobile pastoralists in the mid-first millennium BC. For example, the increase in horses in Phase 3 (750 BC-AD 50) corresponds with the growth of nomadic steppe confederacies such as the Saka and Wusun (Chang et al. 2003; Rogers 2007).

...

The domestic horse is documented at Begash by the start of the second millennium BC, but its impact on pastoralism is not clear. It is true that by increasing their use of the horse throughout the Iron Age and later periods, the inhabitants of Begash likely improved their mobility and access to pastures across various ecological niches for their primary herd animals. Nevertheless, the zooarchaeological record from Begash illustrates that the increase in horses through time correlates first with opportunistic hunting forays at the end of the Bronze Age and then with expanding political engagements that undoubtedly reshaped the organisation of Eurasian pastoralist communities from the first millennium BC onward.

When compared to the relative stability of other domesticates at Begash, the small Bronze Age presence and limited expansion of horses in the faunal record before historic periods demands that we reconsider the degree to which domestic horses played a dominant role in emerging pastoralist lifeways or in aiding the diffusion of regional material culture throughout prehistory. Specifically, there is not ample evidence for extensive horse riding during the second millennium BC at Begash. To the degree that Begash is indicative of other pastoralist settlements in the region, the faunal evidence directly challenges the image of middle to late Bronze Age pastoralists (2000-1000 BC) as derived from migrating horse-riders (Kuz’mina 2008) and suggests that horse riding was not the most significant catalyst for regional diffusion at this point in prehistory. This does not demote the importance of domestic horse riding as a key innovation for Eurasian populations in general or defray its historical impact on the region write large; rather these data suggest there were other mechanisms by which pastoralism, material culture, and ideology developed among regional populations in the third and second millennia BC (Frachetti 2008a).

The early "cowboys of the steppe" paradigm is slowly collapsing. Certainly the horse was known, milked, eaten, and occasionally ridden on the steppes, but its central role in the emergence of Eurasian pastoralism has been ovestated on rather flimsy evidence.

It is only in the 1st millennium BC when it is picked up by Iranic/Turkic warrior confederations that the horse starts to affect Eurasia in a big way, and that is precisely the time when the Scythians appear in West Eurasia from their eastern homeland, followed centuries later by nomadic groups, from the west and north making their presence felt in China.

Antiquity
Volume: 83 Number: 322 Page: 1023–1037

From sheep to (some) horses: 4500 years of herd structure at the pastoralist settlement of Begash (south-eastern Kazakhstan)

Michael Frachetti and Norbert Benecke

Does the riding of horses necessarily go with the emergence of Eurasian pastoralism? Drawing on their fine sequence of animal bones from Begash, the authors think not. While pastoral herding of sheep and goats is evident from the Early Bronze Age, the horse appears only in small numbers before the end of the first millennium BC. Its adoption coincides with an increase in hunting and the advent of larger politically organised

Link

Earliest horse domestication in Kazakhstan

I had previously blogged about the Botai culture. From the news release:

The researchers have traced the origins of horse domestication back to the Botai Culture of Kazakhstan circa 5,500 years ago. This is about 1,000 years earlier than thought and about 2,000 years earlier than domestic horses are known to have been in Europe. Their findings strongly suggest that horses were originally domesticated, not just for riding, but also to provide food, including milk.

Science doi:10.1126/science.1168594

The Earliest Horse Harnessing and Milking

Alan K. Outram et al.

Abstract

Horse domestication revolutionized transport, communications, and warfare in prehistory, yet the identification of early domestication processes has been problematic. Here, we present three independent lines of evidence demonstrating domestication in the Eneolithic Botai Culture of Kazakhstan, dating to about 3500 B.C.E. Metrical analysis of horse metacarpals shows that Botai horses resemble Bronze Age domestic horses rather than Paleolithic wild horses from the same region. Pathological characteristics indicate that some Botai horses were bridled, perhaps ridden. Organic residue analysis, using ¹³C and D values of fatty acids, reveals processing of mare's milk and carcass products in ceramics, indicating a developed domestic economy encompassing secondary products.

Link

Magyars and Madjars

American Journal of Physical Anthropology doi:10.1002/ajpa.20984

A Y-chromosomal comparison of the Madjars (Kazakhstan) and the Magyars (Hungary)

A.Z. Bíró et al.

Abstract

The Madjars are a previously unstudied population from Kazakhstan who practice a form of local exogamy in which wives are brought in from neighboring tribes, but husbands are not, so the paternal lineages remain genetically isolated within the population. Their name bears a striking resemblance to the Magyars who have inhabited Hungary for over a millennium, but whose previous history is poorly understood. We have now carried out a genetic analysis of the population structure and relationships of the Madjars, and in particular have sought to test whether or not they show a genetic link with the Magyars. We concentrated on paternal lineages because of their isolation within the Madjars and sampled males representing all extant male lineages unrelated for more than eight generations (n = 45) in the Torgay area of Kazakhstan. The Madjars show evidence of extensive genetic drift, with 24/45 carrying the same 12-STR haplotype within haplogroup G. Genetic distances based on haplogroup frequencies were used to compare the Madjars with 37 other populations and showed that they were closest to the Hungarian population rather than their geographical neighbors. Although this finding could result from chance, it is striking and suggests that there could have been genetic contact between the ancestors of the Madjars and Magyars, and thus that modern Hungarians may trace their ancestry to Central Asia, instead of the Eastern Uralic region as previously thought.

Link